Lukashenka's Red Line

Viachaslau Karastsen
16.09.2024, 8:50
18,034

There will be an investigation.

In 1999, Belarus could have held a second democratic presidential election, but instead, Aliaksandr Lukashenka's opponents began to disappear in the country. He continues to hold power until now, including because of the events of a quarter-century ago.

"Death Squad" formed from special forces

September 16, 1999 was the last day when the former head of the Central Election Commission, former deputy of the Supreme Council Viktar Hanchar and his friend, businessman Anatol Krasouski were seen alive in Minsk.

It is known that they visited the bathhouse on Fabrychnaia Street that evening. After that, they got into Krasouski's car, but did not manage to leave the parking. Both disappeared without a trace and were not found after 25 years.

Based on numerous media publications and important evidence, it can be stated with great confidence that the politician and businessman were kidnapped and later killed on the orders of Aliaksandr Lukashenka. The executors of his will were soldiers of a separate unit formed on the basis of a brigade of special forces of the MIA internal troops and later called in independent media the "Death Squad". Investigators found broken car glass and traces of blood at the place of disappearance of Hanchar and Krasouski.

The alleged commander of the "squad" Dzmitry Paulichenka was even detained in 2000 by order of KGB Chairman Uladzimir Matskevich and with the sanction of Prosecutor General Aleh Bazhelko. Suspected of organizing political assassinations. However, a day later, he was released on Lukashenka's personal order, and Matskevich and Bazhelka were soon dismissed.

The disappearance of Hanchar and Krasouski was only one episode in a series of similar cases. On May 7, 1999, former Minister of Internal Affairs Yury Zacharanka, who had previously defected to the opposition, disappeared near Zhukouski Street in Minsk. On July 7, 2000, journalist Dzmitry Zavadski was kidnapped on his way to the Minsk Airport.

It has been repeatedly reported that there is also the “Death Squad” behind these crimes.

Harauski: Paulichenka personally killed all of them

In 2019, a former fighter of the Special Rapid Response Unit (SOBR) Yury Harauski said in an interview with Deutsche Welle about his involvement in the kidnapping of Hanchar, Krasouski and Zacharanka. According to the former employee of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, who emigrated from Belarus, he was part of a group of special forces, which was involved in the disappearances of opponents of the authorities.

Harauski said that Paulichenka personally killed all three of them with a pistol. Zakharenka's body was burned in the crematorium of the Minsk Northern Cemetery, Hanchar and Krasouski were buried at the Ministry of Internal Affairs base near Baihoml in the Vitebsk region.

After the interview, the human rights defenders succeeded in initiating a criminal case against Harauski. The investigation was conducted in Switzerland, where, as previously stated, the former SOBR fighter asked for political asylum. He was accused of "involvement in numerous disappearances" (local legislation did not allow him to be accused of murders or complicity in them, since the crimes were committed on the territory of Belarus).

In September 2023, the district court in St. Gallen acquitted Harauski, considering his testimony insufficient to convict him on the charges.

At the same time, in the explanation to the verdict, the judge stated that this is a special case in judicial practice, since it "involves the authorities, and they are responsible for violent crimes." “These facts should not be in doubt. But during the interrogation, the accused was entangled in contradictions and evaded the answer," the judge said.

"The one who did not obey, their bones have already rotted"

The disappearances of political opponents did not become Lukashenka's exclusive startup. It is believed that the corresponding "license for murder" was issued to the Paulichenka's group several years earlier and was originally used in the fight against organized crime.

In the 1990s, the post-Soviet space was troubled. Taking advantage of the weakness of the authorities in the former republics, various groups took control of private business, engaged in drug trafficking, contract killings and other serious crimes.

And although the scale of organized crime in Belarus was much smaller than in Russia, Lukashenka decided to destroy it at the root. And, as it is supposed, he chose a quite effective — but absolutely illegal way for this.

In the second half of the 1990s, criminal authorities began to disappear without a trace in Belarus. The most high-profile case is the disappearance in Minsk of a 37-year-old "thief-in-law", Uladzimir Kleshch, nicknamed Shchavlik. In December 1997, after a call from an unknown person to a mobile phone, he went out into the yard to "drive away the car", and after that no one saw him again.

From time to time, Lukashenka is proud to comment on his victory over organized crime. Some statements can be perceived like confessions.

In 2001, he said that back in 1996, "through certain crooks," he warned the leaders of the criminal world: "God forbid, somewhere you create a criminal situation, I tear everyone's heads off." And he added: "There was a case when they behaved incorrectly. Remember these "schavliks" and others. Where are they now? Therefore, the country is in order and everyone is happy."

In 2011, in his message to the people and parliament, Lukashenka returned to the topic. "Groups, which at one time grew out of Soviet trousers, had very close ties with Moscow. We cleaned them up very quickly. Those who did not obey, their bones have already rotted,” he said.

"Whether this is true or not, it is difficult to say, but after the appearance of new thieves-in-law in Belarus, in the case, as a rule, during the so-called preventive conversations, the operatives remind them of the 'rotten bones of Shchavlik'," BelHazeta wrote in 2017.

Obviously, by giving the go-ahead for the unlawful reprisal against crime, Lukashenka understood the illegality of such actions. But in that case, in his opinion, promiscuity in the means was justified by a good purpose. No wonder he later boasted about how famously these "shchavliks" were eradicated in Belarus. He preferred to keep silent about the fact that over time his political opponents turned out to be like "Shchavlik". Meanwhile, this can be considered a natural course of events. If the “Death Squad” is created, the range of its tasks will naturally expand.

Sooner or later, an investigation will be carried out

Lukashenka came to power in 1994 as a result of fair elections. He immediately began to dismantle democratic institutions, thereby demonstrating the intention to rule for a long time and alone. As a result of two referendums, almost unlimited powers were concentrated in his hands. At the same time, several times the first president walked literally on the edge, especially in 1996, when he was on the verge of impeachment.

It was assumed that the second election of the head of state would be held in 1999. And if the political system in Belarus had been preserved, Lukashenka could have lost them, since in the first five years the results of his rule were not inspiring. However, with these methods, he completely rebuilt the system of power — and rebuilt it exclusively for himself. As a result, the second elections were held only in 2001 and were not recognized as democratic by the international community. 1999 went down in history primarily as the time of the disappearance of prominent opposition figures.

It can be argued that it was then that Lukashenka crossed the red line, excluding the scenario of a peaceful transfer of power. After his departure, an impartial investigation could begin into the cases of Hanchar, Krasouski, Zacharanka and Zavadski, which was demanded by the relatives of the missing, opposition politicians, and representatives of the West. The evidence indicating that the ruler of Belarus would have a place in the dock would have been collected too quickly.

As a matter of fact, the relevance of such an investigation does not go away over the years. This is also why in 2020 Lukashenka fought for his absolutism, regardless of the means. Nothing more terrible than in 1999, this regime could not have done four years ago.

A reference to the events of 25 years ago should also be considered the guarantees of immunity enshrined in the Constitution after the next referendum held in 2022. There appeared a clause according to which "the president who has ceased to exercise his powers cannot be held accountable for actions committed in connection with the exercise of his presidential powers."

70-year-old Lukashenka increasingly declares that he is not eternal, and diligently builds a system of personal security in case of transfer of powers to his successor. He regularly declares the need to preserve his heritage by his descendants.

Everything can work out for him with this safety. The power in the country today looks monolithic, the law enforcement agencies are in constant combat readiness, and no one expects surprises from the 2025 electoral campaign.

The situation with heritage is much less rosy. Sooner or later, Belarus expects democratization, and then the return to the people of the right to elect the government. An open and transparent investigation into the high-profile disappearances of 1999–2000 will necessarily be among the priorities of any new government. Its results, told to the whole country, can shock even the "nuclear" supporters of Belarusian stability.

Viachaslau Karastsen, Pozirk

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